12h00
UPS Pouchet, salle 108
Modern Hebrew irregular plurals à la française
Lowenstamm (2010) proposed that derivational affixes are bound roots, intertwined in the morphosyntactic structured. In this talk, I present a proposal I made in my doctoral dissertation from 2011, according to which the feminine marker of Modern Hebrew is a root, rather than the realization of a feature. I examine the consequences of this proposal for the analysis of Modern Hebrew irregular plurals, irregular because there is a mismatch between the gender typically associated with the suffix and the grammatical gender. I compare my analysis to an analysis in "classic" Distributed Morphology (e.g. Embick 2012). The latter, it is shown, is little more than a formalization of the facts, whereas my root-based analysis is more insightful, more economic and can cover more ground.
