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Structure argumentale - structure aspectuelle
Résumés pour le séminaire 2010-2011
Modifié par
Aministrateur
Elena Soare
Florence Villoing
Karen Ferret
le - 24 novembre 2010
 20 juin 2011
- Berit Gehrke Event-related modification of German adjectival passives
Abstract
This paper addresses the semantics of the German adjectival passive and investigates restrictions on event-related modification with this construction. The account proposed, according to which German adjectival passives instantiate a consequent state kind of an event kind, is motivated by the following facts. First, this construction is fully acceptable only with verbs whose event structure contains a consequent state, represented by an event-semantically interpreted BECOME component. Furthermore, only those event-related modifiers are possible with German adjectival passives that modify either the event kind argument or the state itself. However, modifiers that need to access an event token, such as temporal or spatial modifiers, are not grammatical.
23 mai 2011
- Rafael Marin Structure argumentale et structure aspectuelle des noms déverbaux
Resume
L’objet principal de ce séminaire est de présenter les premiers résultats du projet Nomage (ANR-07-JCJC-0085), dédié a l’analyse des propriétés aspectuelles et argumentales des noms déverbaux. Cette analyse repose sur l’observation et l’annotation de plus de 4000 noms déverbaux repérés automatiquement dans le corpus French Treebank. Les résultats de cette annotation prennent la forme d’un lexique dans lequel chaque unité reçoit une description aspectuelle et argumentale et pointe vers ses différentes occurrences dans le corpus. Du point de vue théorique, le projet aborde ainsi des questions touchant aussi bien à la morphologie qu’à la sémantique. Du point de vue des applications pratiques, les données collectées sont destinées à poser les bases d’un étiqueteur sémantique de nominalisations.
21 mars 2011
- Ora Matushansky Uncle Vania meets three systers
Abstract.
Relational nouns, such as uncle or sister, are known to possess an internal argument slot, which may be left unsaturated in plurals, leading to a reciprocal interpretation (Eschenbach 1993, Hackl 2002, Staroverov 2007) :
(1) Three sisters walked in.
We will argue that the apparently reciprocal reading is actually a reflexive one, and that exactly the same mechanism is involved with conjoined nouns (Staroverov 2007) :
(2) A mother and daughter are here.
The existence of valency reduction mechanisms for nouns as well as verbs will be shown to have interesting repercussions for the treatment of reflexive markers and similar phenomena.
24 jan 2011
- Nora Boneh & Léa Nash Core and non-core Datives in French
Abstract.
In this talk we show that despite their superficial similarity, core and non-core datives present several distinctive properties, some of which were not previously noted for French. We propose that core and non-core datives have their origin in different underlying structures : core datives originate as the complement of a motion sub-event of transitive verbs, whereas non-core datives are ‘second’ subjects of a stative predicate, either base-generated in this position in a procedure involving lambda-abstraction or raised out of the theme, when the theme contains a Part-noun. The analysis reaches generalizations concerning the lexico-semantic decomposition of verbal predicates appearing with core and non-core datives. It departs from the received applicative typology of functional heads introducing dative arguments.
29 nov 2010
- Peter Svenonius Things, Places, and the Construct State
Abstract.
There is a well-trodden historical path by which nouns like "front"
and "back" come to be adpositions. In the course of this category-
changing journey they lose a certain kind of conceptual content,
prosodic independence, and nominal syntax and gain the ability to take
arguments and express locations and paths (cf. Longobardi on casa—
>chez). The construct state possessive construction of Semitic
languages has two of these properties : the loss of prosodic
independence and the ability to take arguments. I discuss the role of
the construct state in the development of nouns into prepositions.
- Monika Basic Scales, gradable adjectives and nominalizations in Serbian
Abstract.
An influential analysis of gradable adjectives by Kennedy (1999, 2007),
Kennedy & McNally (2005) treats positive forms of gradable adjectives as
syntactically complex. Ramchand (2006) assumes the same for a subset of
gradable adjectives, namely those with relative standards of comparison,
but argues that gradable adjectives with absolute standards are
semantically and syntactically different. In this talk, I will confront
these predictions (and others made by these approaches) with empirical
facts from Serbian. Serbian provides a nice testing ground because,
unlike in English, the positive forms of gradable adjectives are often
morphologically complex. I will argue that the distinction between
relative and absolute adjectives is morphologically coded in Serbian. We
will then turn to some interesting facts regarding the form and
interpretation of nominals derived from gradable adjectives. As we will
see, investigating nominalization patterns might prove extremely
significant in determining the true nature of adjectives, given that
some adjectival suffixes are kept and some are lost when adjectives are
nominalized.
- Kaori Takamine Verbal Nouns and a light verb in Japanese
Abstract.
The aim of this work is a reanalysis of the light verb construction in Japanese, translating Grimshaw & Mester’s (1988) Argument Transfer analysis to the recent first phase syntax (Ramchand 2008) approach. We re-examine with a broader range of data syntactic diagnostics that Grimshaw & Mester use to distinguish the heavy verb suru ‘do’ from the light verb suru and show that the heavy vs. light distinction does not capture the facts, but rather that verbal nouns in the light verb construction show three-way split behavious, which
is unexpected under Grimshaw & Mester’s approach, with respect to syntactic operations such as topicalization, scrambling and relativization. Furthermore, our data also shows that verbal nouns in the target construction must be classified into object-denoting nominals and event-denoting nominals with regard to the aspectual properties of them. Adopting Ramchand’s first phase syntax approach, we argue that the distinction between the object-denoting verbal nouns and the event-denoting verbal nouns is accounted for by different positions the verbal nouns occupy, namely that the undergoer-type of verbal nouns generated in Spec VP (Ramchand’s Spec ProcP) behave as object-denoting nominals while the rhematic verbal nouns are eventive nominals codescribing the event together with the head verb. With regard to the three-way split syntactic behaviours of the verbal nouns, we argue, adopting Déchaine & Wiltschko’s (2002) decomposition of pronouns, that the differences are attributed to different sizes of the verbal nouns : (i) nouns need the D-projection in order to undergo topicalization or scrambling ; and (ii) assuming Kayne’s (1994) analysis of N-final relative clauses, relativization involves remnant movement which is constrained in a way that Collins & Sabel (2007) state, i.e., it is possible only if the gap contains Φ-features.
This is a joint paper with Naoyuki Yamato.
 | Rafael Marin - 45.3 ko
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